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You may like it and you may (very legitimately) don't like Renzi's style. But if the alternative is a return to the old guard of the left, then it means that the Democratic Party deserves grillism and anti-politics
Of Francesco Cancellato
That Renzi is in bad shape, politically, it is a fairly incontrovertible fact. That the Democratic Party around the 22/23% in pre-bloc polls is objectively a party in a devastating identity crisis, pure. That the future of the main Italian center-left party – assuming that it will have a unitary future – must be something different from Leopolda, it is self-evident. Let no one think of it, but, to go back, to the pre-scrappage ruling class.
We say it, reading about noble fathers like Prodi who position themselves, of hypotheses of Veltroni secretariats, or Franceschini. Of returns to the fold, as protagonists, by D'Alema and Bersani. No, Thank you. If there is something that could be even more harmful than Renzi bolting to the Nazarene, it is the return of the Second Republic-model Democratic Party.
We say it by remembering – to them, above all – That the Renzi phenomenon was born precisely from a crisis of rejection of a large part of the democratic electorate towards them, of that immobile power block, self-referential, exhausted, incapable of building a political vision that was such, let alone make it attractive in the eyes of voters.
Even the Five Star Movement, in conclusion, it began to germinate precisely on the radical criticism of the centre-left ruling class of the second republic, unable, according to Beppe Grillo, to constitute a real alternative to Berlusconi and centre-right governments. The Monti government, the first great coalition, it was an all too welcome gift that produced the exploit of 2013.
Agree, Renzi has not reversed course, and the Democratic Party continued, with him too, its unstoppable fall. But if Renzi hadn't been there, probably, we would be talking about even worse numbers. Without Renzi, for example, the Letta and Gentiloni governments would have been perceived for what they really were, two inconclusive and excessively timid executives, without any idea – right or wrong – on the future of Italy. Without Renzi we would be talking about a Christian Democratic and seaside legislature, of pure management of the existing, without any spectacular failure, Perhaps, but without any planning impetus.
We say it, reading about noble fathers like Prodi who position themselves, of hypotheses of Veltroni secretariats, or Franceschini. Of returns to the fold, as protagonists, by D'Alema and Bersani. No, Thank you. If there is something that could be even more harmful than Renzi bolting to the Nazarene, it is the return of the Second Republic-model Democratic Party.
We say it by remembering – to them, above all – That the Renzi phenomenon was born precisely from a crisis of rejection of a large part of the democratic electorate towards them, of that immobile power block, self-referential, exhausted, incapable of building a political vision that was such, let alone make it attractive in the eyes of voters.
Even the Five Star Movement, in conclusion, it began to germinate precisely on the radical criticism of the centre-left ruling class of the second republic, unable, according to Beppe Grillo, to constitute a real alternative to Berlusconi and centre-right governments. The Monti government, the first great coalition, it was an all too welcome gift that produced the exploit of 2013.
Agree, Renzi has not reversed course, and the Democratic Party continued, with him too, its unstoppable fall. But if Renzi hadn't been there, probably, we would be talking about even worse numbers. Without Renzi, for example, the Letta and Gentiloni governments would have been perceived for what they really were, two inconclusive and excessively timid executives, without any idea – right or wrong – on the future of Italy. Without Renzi we would be talking about a Christian Democratic and seaside legislature, of pure management of the existing, without any spectacular failure, Perhaps, but without any planning impetus.
It doesn't have to happen, a return to the ancient, it will probably happen. And maybe, At that time, it will be hoped that centrifugal thrusts – to the right and to the left – lead to the definitive implosion of this ambitious and unsuccessful political experiment
Without Renzi, net of Renzi, we wouldn't have had even a drop of political elaboration. You may not like it, his turbo reformism. It can be cloying – it is – his list of a hundred things done and the unbearable democratic family that rattles them off to his rebellious father in election commercials. His management of the internal debate can be devastating and arrogant, which leaves no room for anything other than claque. But raise your hand, please, if you remember something similar to a viable alternative, even just an interview capable of inspiring a branch.
Nothing at all: not even the courage to openly declare one's otherness. Take Prodi and Letta, whose profound dissent towards Renzi should be deduced from phrases such as «I support Gentiloni and his team». Or take someone who expressed his deepest discomfort through a split, who still hasn't explained to us what it means to build a new left, if not by copying Jeremy Corbyn's electoral slogans and political proposals, a bit like Blair and Zapatero in the early 2000s.
It doesn't have to happen, a return to the ancient, it will probably happen. And maybe, At that time, it will be hoped that centrifugal thrusts – to the right and to the left – lead to the definitive implosion of this ambitious and unsuccessful political experiment, just as in the last legislature we welcomed the similar failed attempt of the People of Freedoms. Let the center go back to being the center and the left to go back to being the left, radicalizing their positions and raising the level of their vision. May new ruling classes be born, based on new ideas and projects. Let everything happen, unless you go back. Otherwise, Really, it ends up like Pasok or the French socialist party. Better a scary end than an endless scare.
Source: http://linkiestait.musvc1.net/e/t?q=4=0XTXB&H=L&E=6ZP&F=4cNW7&Q=3KwL_CrVv_N2_uwnq_5B_CrVv_M7zSH.ClJ60hOE2.lP_CrVv_M7lP_CrVv_M7dNE0fHz_ITyk_SiXURA_NltS_X1a6_NltS_X1a4_NltS_X1IhJK0-h-B4ElP0-Fn-Iv-IlOA2uI42wAx0-sN05l-RzCwN0El-A-ELwP0-HxA7Cr-936-f_NltS_X1T0XS2d7vZ_uwnq_5B&y=DxOG44.JzK&lO=LW6fN
Nothing at all: not even the courage to openly declare one's otherness. Take Prodi and Letta, whose profound dissent towards Renzi should be deduced from phrases such as «I support Gentiloni and his team». Or take someone who expressed his deepest discomfort through a split, who still hasn't explained to us what it means to build a new left, if not by copying Jeremy Corbyn's electoral slogans and political proposals, a bit like Blair and Zapatero in the early 2000s.
It doesn't have to happen, a return to the ancient, it will probably happen. And maybe, At that time, it will be hoped that centrifugal thrusts – to the right and to the left – lead to the definitive implosion of this ambitious and unsuccessful political experiment, just as in the last legislature we welcomed the similar failed attempt of the People of Freedoms. Let the center go back to being the center and the left to go back to being the left, radicalizing their positions and raising the level of their vision. May new ruling classes be born, based on new ideas and projects. Let everything happen, unless you go back. Otherwise, Really, it ends up like Pasok or the French socialist party. Better a scary end than an endless scare.
Source: http://linkiestait.musvc1.net/e/t?q=4=0XTXB&H=L&E=6ZP&F=4cNW7&Q=3KwL_CrVv_N2_uwnq_5B_CrVv_M7zSH.ClJ60hOE2.lP_CrVv_M7lP_CrVv_M7dNE0fHz_ITyk_SiXURA_NltS_X1a6_NltS_X1a4_NltS_X1IhJK0-h-B4ElP0-Fn-Iv-IlOA2uI42wAx0-sN05l-RzCwN0El-A-ELwP0-HxA7Cr-936-f_NltS_X1T0XS2d7vZ_uwnq_5B&y=DxOG44.JzK&lO=LW6fN
