FIFTH COLUMN

Make the Risorgimento, not the Resistance
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FIFTH COLUMN

by Marcello Veneziani
Thirty years ago he died Augustus of Noce, Gentile philosopher and Catholic on the sidelines. He had just had time to see the fall of the Berlin Wall, but he did not have time to see the transition from the bipolar world to the global world, dominated – as he himself had predicted – by technofinance and permissiveness; and the transformation of communism into a radical mass force, as he had predicted. In '89 there was still the USSR, Europe had not yet been united and Pope Woytila ​​was in vogue. And in our country there was still the first republic with its protagonists.
At that time the Catholic philosopher thought what the task of the coming years should be a new national and European Risorgimento. His reading of the Risorgimento was meta-historical, ideal, platonic; it had little to do with the actual unification process and its contradictions. For him the Risorgimento was a religious category, derived from Resurrection, evoked Gioberti. While the historical Risorgimento, that of Cavour, of Garibaldi and the Savoys, it was indeed an ideal inspiration but conceived as a process of modernization with respect to tradition, a secular if not irreligious movement that was born against the Central Empires of the Throne and the Altar and fell into the "liberal" era of national states and constitutional sovereignties.
For Del Noce the Risorgimento was a true philosophical category, as well as politics; different from both the Revolution and the Restoration. For him, the Risorgimento indicates that nations can only recover in the name of their tradition, “critiquing the historical order from the point of view of an ideal order”. If the revolution aims at the future, he said, the Risorgimento aims at the eternal. Moreover, the formula adopted for Italian sovereignty seemed to correspond to Del Noce's wishes, “by the grace of God and the will of the nation”.
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The sovereignism is not a passing phenomenon
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by Marcello Veneziani
You have recovered from the overdose of videos and comments, of analysis, tables and statements? Let's try to change perspective, after a little preliminary notation. The winners are conspicuous, Salvini and Meloni, but who are the losers, over 5 stars? I would say above all three extrapolitical competitors: the magistrates during the election campaign, the media united against Salvini and the takeaway Bergoglismo. The symbolic victories of the League in Lampedusa, Riace and Capalbio sanction it.
But let's leave the triumphant alone, the growing ones, the fallen, and declinations. Let's leave the elect and the screwed alone, names and parties, analyzes of ebbs and flows. Let's try to go up one floor, placing ourselves on the level of basic orientations and asking ourselves not who won but what won.
How the political and cultural framework has changed? A great one has emerged, substantial gap: emerge, as we expected, a bipolarity of content between the heirs of the left and the heirs of the right. On the one hand, a front has grown that surpasses the 40 percent of the votes and who defines himself as a sovereignist: represents safety issues, the stop to migratory flows, the protection of the family, the fiscal revolution and public works, border defense, of political sovereignty, popular and national. On the other side, the left returns to the field with positions exactly opposite to the sovereignists on the subject of Europe and migrants, of bioethics and safety, of economy and sovereignty. It is a clear minority force, which oscillates between 22 and the 28 percent, if the entire left side is considered, including Bonino, despite having strong settlements in some cities and a vast ramification in the vital centers of society and among the elites: in school and culture, in the judiciary and in the press.
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The Munsters Today, tomorrow's Dragons
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FIFTH COLUMN
by Marcello Veneziani
On a Sunday in May disguised as November, God's judgment finally arrived, the electoral ordeal that will have to decide the submerged and the saved, or if you prefer, the saved and the damned. Important day from a symbolic point of view, before being political. But how was this told 26 May by the media and crooked powers? Like Monster Day. Euromonsters to be destroyed, called sovereignists, presented as a danger to humanity, for Europe and for individual countries.
But to replace them how, with who, with what? Ecco, this is the glorious mystery of this electoral cycle. In Italy everyone knows well that there are no viable alternatives in the field, none of the opponents of the Two-Headed Monster has the possibility of winning and then changing the government of our country. They are forces that at best gather a fifth of the voters or are well below, and there are no signs of alternative alliances.
The call to arms against returning Nazism will produce minimal electoral effects, if not ridiculous, to the advantage of the forces opposing the Monster. In the present reality there is no one who can seriously challenge the government in office with any possibility of replacing it. And even less so in the event of early political elections: you cannot govern without working alongside each other, and in a minority position, to one of the two monsters in question. Either you govern with the League or you govern with the grillini. There is no other solution.
In his formidable performance in which he seems restored like the film of an old film, Berlusconi Seven Beauties he pretends to still be the leader of the centre-right with an unshakable faith in himself – a case of boundless self-admiration. Imagine that the League could return to the fold and be directed by him, which according to him is the Mind, while they are the arms or feet, service or locomotion personnel.
The left does it even worse: attacks the Monster par excellence, Salvini, but he assures that he will not get engaged to Little Monster, that is, the ally Di Maio. After the vote maybe there will be a distinction: no alliance with Di Maio but with a Figo, for example, and. But in the meantime their death toll on the government, what does it actually translate into??
In a forbidden dream, which Berlusconi has just mentioned, which Mattarella has never uttered, and which the left pretends not to know. The dream is Draghi. Mario Draghi, Sir Marius Drake per la letteratura globish.
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Like it or not, Wake the sovereignism Europe
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Of Marcello Veneziani
Source: Marcello Veneziani
The allegorical floats of eurocracy parade united against the national-sovereign danger and its true and presumed mythological references. Napolitano, Study Program, Monti, Moscovici, the Newspaper Directors Collective in unison with the local Euro-Constitutional Arch, they mobilized against the Imminent Danger, sovereignism at home and sovereignism abroad. The alarm is not justified by the threat of a coup or an armed revolution - even if the sovereignists are decorated with old Nazi-fascist friezes - but arises from the terror that the European people, in freedom, peaceful and democratic elections, decide on a turning point.
I don't know if the sovereignists will really have the numbers to overturn the power structures of Europe; I don't know if they will be able to find a broad point of convergence, despite their national differences and whether they will find allies along the way or in parliament. And I still don't know if the sovereignists will be able to change - and for the better - this asphyxiated and torn Europe that we find ourselves in.. I don't even know if they will have strategies and not just slogans, whether they will have statesmen or only tribunes of the discontented plebs; in short, whether they will be up to the challenge. I do not know, and maybe we should test them on the road before rejecting them in the living room. Read More

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FIFTH COLUMN

Like it or not, il sovranismo sveglia l'Europa
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FIFTH COLUMN

by Marcello Veneziani
The allegorical floats of eurocracy parade united against the national-sovereign danger and its true and presumed mythological references. Napolitano, Study Program, Monti, Moscovici, the Newspaper Directors Collective in unison with the local Euro-Constitutional Arch, they mobilized against the Imminent Danger, sovereignism at home and sovereignism abroad. The alarm is not justified by the threat of a coup or an armed revolution - even if the sovereignists are decorated with old Nazi-fascist friezes - but arises from the terror that the European people, in freedom, peaceful and democratic elections, decide on a turning point.
I don't know if the sovereignists will really have the numbers to overturn the power structures of Europe; I don't know if they will be able to find a broad point of convergence, despite their national differences and whether they will find allies along the way or in parliament. And I still don't know if the sovereignists will be able to change - and for the better - this asphyxiated and torn Europe that we find ourselves in.. I don't even know if they will have strategies and not just slogans, whether they will have statesmen or only tribunes of the discontented plebs; in short, whether they will be up to the challenge. I do not know, and maybe we should test them on the road before rejecting them in the living room.
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Caccia all'uomo
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by Marcello Veneziani
He spoke in the bull's eye and it was dark around. He spoke, he heard the applause, some invective. All attention was on him, you could sense it from the silence and then from the buzz that sometimes interrupted it. He spoke, he tweeted, selfava. He spoke and made a void around himself, he was on the run alone, no one kept up with him, no one challenged him for supremacy. He was alone and then down was the desert. Then at a certain point shadows were seen approaching first under the stage, then gather around him. From the cone of light that was projected onto him speaking, silhouettes could be glimpsed: some fluttered like bats, they had cloaks that could have been togas, others were in cassocks, there was no shortage of groups of incited migrants, teachers with trained students, and then many well-known anchor-man silhouettes, of journalists, of singers, of comedians and filmmakers, donkey ears of intellectuals and professors with built-in register; you could see profiles of big silicone lips and goatee beards, irregular profiles with the pin, bald silhouettes of political leaders, profiles of gloglotting turkeys, and then you heard muttering pisapie or shouting with the wedge and then threatening words in French and German...
The group grew little by little as it approached the Speaker. And then from the shouting came the screaming, and from screaming to threatening, until it came to blows, rather to the clubs. Slap, blows, until he was on the ground, curled up, under the blows. Everyone around and him in the middle, solo, to take blows: he is the denier, let's deny it, he is the hater, let's hate him, he is the violent one, let's rape him, he is the exterminator, let's exterminate him and go on cursing. Read More
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Judges on the election campaign
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FIFTH COLUMN

by Marcello Veneziani
Lega-M5S government, Marcello Veneziani analyzes in an interview with Affaritaliani.it the situation of the majority

“According to the temperature of the continuous and daily clash, the Conte government should fall immediately after the European elections. However, based on the general picture and the conveniences, it is really difficult to say. The problem is not only the act of the crisis but also and above all what will happen afterwards. A scenario that could scare the protagonists, i.e. M5S and Lega". The writer and political scientist Marcello Veneziani analyzes the situation of the majority in an interview with Affaritaliani.it, in light of increasingly strong tensions, and what might happen after 26 maggio. Read More

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It's not the fault of nationalism
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FIFTH COLUMN

by Marcello Veneziani
Once upon a time nationalism. Then after the Second World War the nationalists also changed. The myth of Europe as a Nation emerged (launched by Filippo Anfuso), which was the flag of us kids in the early seventies, Adriano Romualdi wrote a short pamphlet on European nationalism, Maurice Bardéche was co-founder of the European Social Movement, the national right was inspired by the Europe of De Gaulle's homelands, the revolutionary right followed Jean Thiriart of the European Nation who founded Young Europe, like Mazzini.
In short, nationalism for the right was a thing of the past, glorious memory for some, historical moment for others. Then came the European Union which, after the initial enthusiasm, created inconveniences, mortifications and rejection. And it fueled, especially in the east that has emerged from communism, the desire to renationalize. Identity, sovereignty, patria. But it would be a mistake to become anti-European just because we hate this kind of Non-Europe. Even before the European right in the wake of the French Front National, it was Europe itself that raised the ghost of the return of nationalism. Indeed, according to the dominant media story, European parties and powers, Europe is only in danger: that nationalisms reappear.
Now I would like to look back the problems that Europe suffers today. To begin with, that the global and national economic crisis that we have been experiencing for years has to do with it, the expansion of debt, the black hole of finance, unemployment and new poverty, with nationalism which has waned many decades ago or which today appears in opposition? Rather, they are not the result of governments, policies, global economic choices and transnational markets? And then, the corruption of the ruling classes, their widespread inadequacy, their blindness and inability to guide and represent the real interests of the people, the abyss between the governed and the rulers, between institutions and citizens, they are caused by nationalism or rather arise from parties, regimes, powers, establishment, opposing political models prevailing in Italy, in Europe and globalization? And the present degradation of public life, of our historic centers, of the culture and education of peoples, environmental emergencies, structural, the family crisis, of work and the south, sexual violence, social injustices are the fruits of nationalism or rather of processes, mentality, governments, ideology, permissive models that are its antipodes? Read More
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What if the liquid society was a hole in the water?
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by Marcello Veneziani
The world entered the third millennium with just one key idea, fluid and obsessive, global and elusive: liquid modernity. Twenty years ago, at the end of the last millennium, a sociologist from the East, Zygmunt Bauman, published his essay Liquid modernity, translated into the passage of a millennium across half the world, and in Italy from Laterza. A catchphrase began, first intellectual then media, on the global advent of liquidity, to which further corollaries were soon added by Bauman in as many books: liquid company, liquid love, liquid life, liquid art, liquid surveillance, liquid fear and so on. An insistent mantra from which we have not freed ourselves and which no one questions. Even bisexual actress Kristen Stewart, presents his new lgbt film, saying he “believes in fluid sex”. Bauman is one of the rare authors read and cited by Pope Bergoglio, especially regarding waste lives, liquidated by selfish society: the reduction of the Christian faith to sociology entails as its consequence the replacement of thought, of theology and philosophy, with pop sociology, magari radical, as was Bauman's. There is some irony about this new lay Saint Gennaro with his miracle of universal liquefaction.

Which means liquid modernity? That not only the granite ancient world is over but also the solid era of progress; we have entered a magmatic phase, elusive in his relationships, postmodern, in which everything slides and the flow devours every persistence, every stay, any rigidity. Universal flood, indeed global. Human relationships and social bonds become liquid and changeable, beliefs and identities become labile and fluent, and so on; the borders, the borders disappear submerged by the liquid waves. Liquidity is everywhere (except in the economy, where it is scarce). Read More

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And the devil appeared to Lilli
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FIFTH COLUMN
by Marcello Veneziani
It wasn't a journalistic information program that was staged the other evening in Half past eight and Lilli Gruber. It was an abbreviated rite of the Inquisition, or worse, an exorcism to banish the Devil, Matteo Satanini, per century Salvini. Gruber finally had the corporate name of her program in front of her, the Obsession of every episode: the evil Salvini. There is no evening that does not contain a dozen venomous barbs against the Po Valley Ogre. Otto e mezzo's mission is to speak ill of Salvini and everything that could benefit him or lead back to him, rightly or wrongly. And the underlying reason for his program is fixed on the derivative theme: if the Grillini can be redeemed from Salvini's deadly embrace and if they can save themselves, and save Italy, allying with the left, with the Democratic Party. All guests must practice these two topics, it is their trial by fire, their entrance test. It is a fixed theme tour company.
But on Friday the Devil materialized in front of her and her exorcist assistant, who supported Gruber and looked for her approval and support with his eyes. Those that Lilli addressed to the Black Beast were not questions but sentences and there were no questions that did not already have the answer incorporated; any attempt at a different reply by the interested party was nipped in the bud, it was considered a diversion, an evasion, in any case something that deviated from the procedure (CRIMINAL) of the program.
In many passages, the presenter's anger and annoyance was evident, the tone was altered, the hysterical anger of his reactions was barely contained. In some places Gruber looked like an Austrian officer ordering the barrage on the Enemy. But the execution ultimately failed, indeed it backfired to the detriment of those who commanded it.
At the beginning of the programme, even those who had never had any particular sympathy for Salvini felt almost obliged to sympathize with him because the tone and style of the interrogation were embarrassing, the manifest hostility; nothing that vaguely recalled the journalist's professional ethics. It seemed like an attack to you, more than a comparison. With charges that bordered on criminal, in anthropological hatred, in human as well as ideological contempt. A contempt that spread to those millions of Italians who think like Salvini. Read More

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