Media versus people
FIFTH COLUMN
Of Marcello Veneziani
Source: Marcello Veneziani
Cara Lilli Gruber, but how can Italians trust you if you write about itSet a comment with a title like that: “All populists lie. They are dangerous and opportunistic"? And the title faithfully responds to the development. He knows he's offending three-quarters of his viewers?
Like the 60% I feel like one of the Italians right now, with all the critical reservations that I do not hide, more on the side of the populists than their enemies. And I'm not just offended by his definition, how hurt by Italian, as a journalist and free thinker. I would never use a statement like that even for the worst enemies; I would distinguish, I wouldn't feel in possession of the truth. I don't bet on the success of this government, I say it every day. And it surprises me that the one attacking in that way is the one who was generous with the Grillini and their sponsors, to the point that often – even the other day with the embarrassing, rambling, Dibba's rant – gave the impression of being Grilli Uber. I don't hold the inconsistency against you, they are his business, I know that grillini are fine for her if they hang to the left, if instead they ally themselves with Salvini they become bad. There are people who still divide humanity into fascists and anti-fascists, and reality is lost, the present, the world, 70 years of history, communism even.
Through her, actually, I take it out on the media, the Press and TV which are offering a disgusting and desolating spectacle: the Italians on one side and them united on the side of the establishment. I wouldn't have expected the opposite but at least a variety of positions and the ability to distinguish and analyze; someone equidistant, someone else who understands people's reasons, someone who recognizes pieces of truth in the opponent. No, Nothing, a Chinese army, monolithic, monotonous. Like in war. Read More
Don't be afraid of sovereignists
FIFTH COLUMN
Of Marcello Veneziani
Source: Marcello Veneziani
Even in Sweden the sovereignist wave is growing, but not enough to overturn the government structures. The Le Pen pattern is repeated, with the Front National first in consensus but not able to be a majority nor able to find allies. And at that point the anti-sovereign coalition is born, all against one, and stunted governments arise on fragile alliances (like in Germany or Spain), with presidents unwanted by two-thirds of the population (France) or spurious coalitions like here. Or even two are born, three “national” parties cannibalizing each other (English case with the bifurcated Conservatives plus Ukip). The real problem is that we are in the middle of the ford, and therefore the situation risks paralysis between the not yet and the no longer. Because then the pro-European governments of moderates and progressives combine two weaknesses and two declines, they drag countries into political coalitions of mere survival, within crumbling systems, subordinated to the economic potentates, away from the people, within a Europe reduced to a monetary union in the name of the control apparatus. But let's go back to the representation and the perception that people have of it, the media give it, gives it the power.
Today's Europe is founded on fear. Fear of the foreigner for some, fear of nationalists for talatri. Xenophobia and nationphobia are the two dominant political categories, le twin towers dell’Europa. But with fear you don't make sensible choices. Read More
You again, Benito
Of Marcello VenezianiLike today seventy-five years ago Mussolini he was freed from imprisonment in Campo Imperatore. Today the first volume of a monumental work dedicated to the leader tries to free him from the damnatio memoriae Antonio Scurati which goes to the bookshop today, M. the son of the century (ed. Bompiani, 840 pages, 22 euro). It seems strange but in the river of books dedicated to fascism and the Duce there is not a biographical novel entirely focused on his figure. Mussolini appears there a thousand and a thousand times as an evil demiurge, as a menacing shadow or as an ogre in individual stories, even private ones. But a fictionalized biography about him, in multiple volumes, without an apologetic or denigrating tone, something of a narrative equivalent of the monumental historical biography of Renzo De Felice, it wasn't there yet. Curious to see it, especially given the author's premises/promises of equidistance and the confession of having been subjugated by the character, and perhaps fascinated. It also happened to De Felice, who also came from an anti-fascist culture, left. Furthermore, Scurati does not lack narrative talent and a free gaze.
I would like to object something to the title because Mussolini may have been the son of his century but above all he was its father because he generated events, followers, imitations, works and curses like few others. He was the father of fascism and stepfather of anti-fascism. Some even considered that Mussolini invented an eternal category, Urfascism (Umberto Eco). Son of a century but father of an eternity, nice paradox, Benito.
In truth, Scurati's fictional biography renounces too large and significant a part of Mussolini's life: the one that precedes the foundation of fascism, il 1919, that is, the life of an anarchist, as a revolutionary socialist, as leader of the most radical left, as a master, journalist and writer, exile and prisoner, and then director of Avanti and other effervescent magazines, until the foundation of the Popolo d'Italia. But also Mussolini fighting in the First World War. Scurati's Mussolini is already the founder of fascism, much of his life has already passed. Read More
House of intolerance
FIFTH COLUMN
Of Marcello Veneziani
The left it is today the main house of intolerance functioning at full capacity. Although defeated at the polls and a minority in the country, he exercises his intolerance on the living and the dead, on the elected and those not aligned with political correctness, uses the past as a weapon to attack the present, places vetoes and prohibitions, threatens those who express different opinions by presenting them as crimes, thanks to ad hoc laws that date back to its governments. He uses the shock troops of the media and the armored forces of the magistrates to put his enemies in check and outlawed. It is a house of intolerance that instigates ideological prostitution.
The reflection came to me yesterday following a small but yet another significant episode. They called me from Rai to ask me to participate in a program on right, extremism and intolerance. Pay attention to the theme, already says it all. They wanted me to make the right salami in a left sandwich, having a theme that already suggests the solution. We talk about the right and the association of ideas becomes a criminal association. Yet the right is politically the majority in the country, the right is historically a sense of the State and the Nation, the right is culturally tradition and civilization, order and security. Read More
Barbari o division
FIFTH COLUMN
Of Marcello Veneziani
The day will come when green will separate from yellow, the League it will be the new right and the M5 location it will be the new left. A new bipolar system will be born from the present government majority. The times could be quick if in the autumn or even immediately the coalition splits on the sensitive issues we already know, that is, migrants, judges, pensions, citizen's income, nationalizations, while on others such as Europe and the aversion to the Caste of potentates seem to be quite homogeneous. But if they resist the autumn test, there will then be the test of Europe when the two parties will present themselves divided and will hoard votes, some in the center-right area and the others predominantly on the left..
This prophecy has been circulating under the surface for some time, e Bobo Maroni has recently relaunched it, seeing the League as the heir of the right and Forza Italia and the Grillini as the heirs of the left and the Democratic Party. Compared to the new right and the new left that those falling caryatids will make? They will change their name, face and leader to their retreating parties, they will cling to the past (Veltroni and Berlusconi), they will try to open bridges to the two main Subjects through their ambassadors (Toti and Zingaretti). And to complete the game we will then have to see what happens to Fratelli d'Italia and Liberi e Uguali, if they are inside, out on sharecropping, satellites or on the sidelines, compared to the two main poles. Read More
I know how it will end
FIFTH COLUMN
Of Marcello Veneziani
I know how it will end. I know this because I know the story, I know people, I know the potentates, I know immigrants. I know them like you know them, from experience, precedents, realism and use of the world. Until yesterday the scene was as follows: I haven't heard an Italian that I didn't agree with Salvini, that he did not consider it absurd to incriminate an Interior Minister who is doing his duty, as well as his electoral mandate, to safeguard the nation's borders, as provided for by the Constitution, and protect Italians, reject illegal arrivals and reiterate that migrants do not land in Italy but in Europe. It is absurd that we have to remember Europe when it comes to paying debts or not breaking the bank. And instead we must forget about Europe when the migrants arrive because then, suddenly, we become a nation and we have to deal with it ourselves. Our sovereignty consists in the obligation to welcome them, even if everyone else doesn't want them. Until yesterday there wasn't a person I spoke to who wasn't of this idea in one way or another.
On the other hand, I haven't heard a news broadcast, and program, a commentator, a man of power or a newspaper that was not aligned against Italy, against the Italians, against Salvini and on the side of Europe that doesn't care about migrants, on the side of the judges who indict ministers in the name of the law, on the side of migrants who land illegally. A dry match, the united people on one side, compact power on the other. Almost no one in Salvini's company, the League is there but you can't see it, there is only him, there is the Meloni and then down the desert. The grillini, when they are not hanging on the Fig Tree, and therefore they lean to the left, they act like di Maio in order to float and stay where they are, and play at being superminister, he is ready to take it all back and dump the Ally on whom the Palace's media-judicial cannons are aimed, dai catto-bergogliosi to the scattered left. Read More
The left with the dead man
How we got to this point
FIFTH COLUMN
Of Marcello Veneziani
Let's tell the truth, we Italians have become unrecognizable. If we were to meet on the street those of us today with those we were just ten years ago, we wouldn't recognize each other and maybe we wouldn't even say hello. But how did we get to this point? To understand the present let's take a step back to the past. So ten years ago, these days, he had become prime minister for the fourth time Silvio Berlusconi. The Grand Duke of Padania Umberto Bossi was with him in government. Finish he had become President of the Chamber and dolphin, successor in the breast. Gianni Alemanno was elected mayor of Rome. At that time the National Alliance still existed. The loser of that time was called Walter Veltroni. The Movement had not yet been born 5 place, Di Maio was a stadium mask and Renzi didn't exist, a bit like now; he was a kind of boy scout, he was not yet mayor of Florence. Another world, prehistory.
But what happened to get to this point? There are a thousand factors, and we won't do the whole story. But we would like to focus on one detail. Italy was tired of the left, then and now, she had been disappointed by her umpteenth government and had once again voted for the centre-right and her King, Berlusconi. What happened, at that point? I should tell two stories, actually three.
The first story is that the elements against that government were unleashed. Global economic crises, from America to us; European economic wars, Arab springs bearing down on us, judicial wars against Berlusconi, domestic and international political conspiracies, press campaigns. In short, an evil three-year period which then ended with the well-known white coup that ousted the Berlusconi government. The left doesn't know how to govern and doesn't know how to be popular, but he knows how to destroy, it has a terrible power of interdiction and intimidation. Read More
In Prague the dear beloved Soviets
FIFTH COLUMN
Of Marcello Veneziani
Like today, in the night between 20 and the 21 August fifty years ago, Soviet tanks invaded Czechoslovakia and crushed the Prague Spring dream of freedom. They will talk about it adequately on TV and in the newspapers? They will also remember this shadowy side of '68? They will remember the infamy of those who defended them and took their side, as the Italian communists did? Or they'll say it's been too long now, and therefore we can talk about fascism and Nazism every day, dead 73 years ago, but we can no longer talk about communism, which is much more recent and present?
It should also be remembered that a part of the Italian communists dissociated themselves from the PCI and condemned the Russian invasion, as the Manifesto group did. But with a small detail: they did not dissent to embrace socialism with a human face but to pursue a much more inhuman socialism, the Chinese one, with Mao who with his cultural revolution was much bloodier than Stalin and Brezhnev. In a debate in a hall of the Chamber opened by Napolitano, a few years ago I remembered the silence of the PCI regarding the revolt, the contempt towards the insurgents and the silence of the party and L'Unità towards dissidents, come Jiri Pelikan, which was then "adopted" by Craxi's PSI. Fassino pointed out to me that, on the contrary, the PCI had supported Prime Minister Dubcek and socialism with a human face. Right, until Dubcek was in power, tolerated by the Soviet Union… But later, when the tanks arrived, and there was the revolt, an embarrassed silence fell and the orthodox thesis prevailed, supported precisely by the communist right of Amendola and Napolitano, that those who show solidarity with the insurgents are playing the usual lurking reaction game. The Italian communists aligned themselves with the Soviets, like in Budapest before, in '56, and to Gdańsk and Szczecin afterwards, in the '70s. Furthermore, we must not forget that until 1978 the funding for the PCI and L'Unità continued to come from the USSR, and the contributions from the Italian-Czechoslovak Association continued to arrive. That's how it was in '68, the Soviet tanks lost a few r and for the local communists they remained the dear beloved Soviets... Read More