Opponents' attacks, the unknowns of a difficult political bet, now even the intolerance of the allies. Who knows if Pietro Grasso expected all these difficulties. As a magistrate he was a national anti-mafia prosecutor, as president of the Senate he led one of the most stormy legislatures in republican history. Maybe he thought he had really seen it all. But since he took the field the leader of Liberi e Uguali has encountered one obstacle after another. To the controversies with the Democratic Party, largely predictable, now adds the growing impatience of his people. Meanwhile, the electoral campaign is already in full swing. How else to define the unpleasant exchange of accusations – delivered via letter to the pages of Republic – with the dem treasurer Francesco Bonifazi? Accused of not having paid 83.250 euros to the coffers of the party that got him elected to Parliament, the former magistrate was forced to make an annoying justification. An unpleasant story, at best, which has been exposing him to criticism and malice for days. At least Matteo Renzi was more direct. In Monday evening's interview with Half past eight the PD secretary anticipated what will be the leitmotif of the coming months. To parade votes in LeU, the center-left intends to obsessively appeal for a useful vote. «Every vote that goes to Free and Equal – Renzi's words – it's not that it gives Boldrini the seat, goes to Salvini". More or less shareable message, but destined to hit the mark. It is easy to think that in the long run the Nazarene's strategy could significantly erode the consensus gained by Grasso.

Heavy and direct attacks. All expected questions, let's be clear. Much less obvious was the mistrust that, so it is said, the president of the Senate begins to gather in his camp. Not even the last meeting at the Ergife hotel – served to clarify the guidelines of the electoral program – seems to have dispelled the doubts. Grasso, it doesn't pull, some of his followers say half-heartedly. He has a profile set up, institutional, but it is not very spendable in the media. The first television releases highlighted some limitations: the president of the Senate seems incapable of warming up Italians and transmitting enthusiasm. A fundamental quality to try to recover those millions of left-wing voters who have been deserting the polls for some time. Grasso's communication skills aren't the only problem. Among the parties that support him, someone would not have digested the choice to call Rossella Muroni to coordinate the electoral campaign. Set by the leader, the former president of Legambiente is considered an external and perhaps even foreign personality. A representative of civil society who at the right time will also be rewarded with a seat in Parliament. Needless to say, the controversy, under the radar for now, are directly linked to the composition of the lists. While the tug of war between Mdp, Sinistra Italia and Possibile to compete for the best constituencies, Grasso claims some seats for himself. About ten, they tell. A list of safe seats in which to include civic personalities (but also the President of the Chamber Laura Boldrini).

For the rest, the leader would have left the entire nomination process in the hands of party leaders. Those who expected his direct participation to verify the quality of the candidates seem to have been disappointed. The result is that the demo-progressive movement of Bersani and D'Alema is trying to occupy as much space as possible. The former PDs are asking for half of the places up for grabs for themselves, so that we can control the parliamentary groups in the next legislature. The others are left with crumbs and bitterness. The assemblies in the territories called to present the names of the candidates risk not deciding anything. The Bersanians aim to confirm the outgoing parliamentarians, the same ones already elected in the Democratic Party and forced to leave the party after losing the internal confrontation with Renzi. Then there is room for the old glories. The Liberi e Uguali lists will include figures of the caliber of Massimo D'Alema, Vasco Errani and Antonio Bassolino. Undisputed leaders, let's be clear. But exponents of that political class that risks not best representing the renewal that many hoped for. To the freest and most independent personalities, inevitably, there will be little space left. And so the project of the new left risks turning into a film already seen.
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