Actuality | FIFTH COLUMN

Benetton Maletton
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FIFTH COLUMN
Of Marcello Veneziani
The Benettons not only produced sweaters and managed highways but were the first local factory of global ideology. They were not only sponsors but also precursors of the ideological alphabet, symbolic and sentimental of the left. They were the bridge, it's worth saying, between the multinational interests of global capitalism and the Americanization of the planet, with their profits and their marketing and anti-racism messages, against sexism, in favor of society without borders, lgbt, transgressive and progressive. Their campaigns, entrusted to Oliviero Toscani, they tried to unite the shock side, which often bordered on bad taste and a punch in the stomach, with the progressive humanitarian message: multiracial society, without borders, without distinctions of sex, of religions, of ethnic groups and peoples, with special attention to minors. Remove barriers everywhere, except at toll booths, where it comes to taking tolls. Benetton recently also carried out humanitarian campaigns on immigrant boats and launched a video "against all resurgent racism". The connection between sermons on the skin of the desperate and selling sweaters or charging cars tolls is mysterious. Read More

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Actuality | Non-fiction

Who from Rai hurts, of Rai perishes
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Of Marcello Veneziani
Who from Rai hurts, of Rai perishes
Source: Marcello Veneziani
I don't know how the drama about the president of Rai will end, if Foa will remain at the helm anyway, perhaps as a senior advisor as happened in 2004 to Berlusconi's Alberoni or if Giampaolo Rossi takes over from him, competent in RAI and new media, in discontinuity with the previous Rai domination and in harmony with Foa's ideas. Maybe we'll figure it out today. But on a political level one thing can already be said: the final veto on a signature of Il Giornale as president of Rai is the worst conclusion of Berlusconi's parable. End up in resentment, burning Foa, align with the PD and the scattered left, separate from the League and the Brothers of Italy, only show the ability to cause failure, it is a miserable epilogue for Berlusconi. That decline that has been going on for years now, has reached a point of no return and breaking of B. with his people and his allies.
Nobody expected Forza Italia to align itself with the yellow-green government. That's right, and even useful, that Forza Italia maintains a critical line towards the economic choices of the Grillini, Di Maio's reforms, amateurism and underlying punitive pauperism, the grillosinistri type Fico or the half socks in power, genus Raggi. That opposition line responds to the nature of his voters, to the mandate received and to its economic and political line.
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Actuality | Non-fiction

And now go with the spare
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Of Marcello Veneziani

They are waiting for them at the gate, with rifles drawn. On Rai, in the Ministries, in the public sector, everywhere there will be nominations. And they are already starting to mix threats and victimization. They resume, as has happened at least since 24 years, from the first short Berlusconi government, to talk about proscription lists, of severed heads, as soon as someone dares to talk about change.

Take Rai for example. Once upon a time it followed a deplorable criterion called subdivision, that is, the tasks were divided between the parties. Then Renzi arrived and played the ace-winner; and he had no alibi, But I put the best in there; no, he put scraps, napkins, licks ad personam at command posts. And now, as soon as someone mentions from the government to need to change, they adopt a proven system: they raise the bar against the government, they mark more everything that contrasts it, because then they will be thrown out, they will say it is to censor their well-known independence. And not because they are inadequate, because turnover is expected in a democracy, because they flopped, and because they were there not for merit and quality but only because they were at the service of the company. No, they will protest against discrimination, victims of the populists, sovereignists, fascists, racists, Nazis, therefore fallen for freedom. Read More

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CLEAN HANDS | Policy

Those links between Casaleggio and Soros that the grillini brand as fake news
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A document appears in which it appears that the company received from 2017 248thousand dollars to control militants and candidates
Of Fabrizio Boschi
Do you want to take the 33%. We never get rid of original sin. And we're not talking about someone like Rocco Casalino as head of communications or the black money paid to the millionaire Grillo.
But of the true black soul of the 5 position: Casaleggio Associati Srl.
Now something big appears that gives a good idea of ​​the cunning of Casaleggio Associati, well accustomed to certain stratagems. A document from the controversial Open Society Foundations (one of the largest private foundations in the world supporting human rights groups, with an annual budget of over 900 million dollars), the company headed by the 87-year-old American billionaire George Soros (born in Budapest into a Jewish family, has a heritage of 25,2 billions of dollars, one of the thirty richest people in the world), much talked about for his speculative activities (convicted of insider trading) and of a suspicious philanthropy (he moved 18 billion dollars to the Open Society Foundations to pay less taxes as donations escape taxes), shows that Casaleggio Associati has cashed in on Soros' Open Society Foundations, 248thousand dollars since August 2017 to March 2018 for a project aimed at «changing, to push voters and candidates in the political elections of 2018 to change strategy on migration and euroscepticism". And a contact person is also indicated, Luca Elauteri, founding member and director since 2004 of Casaleggio Associati complete with e-mail (info@casaleggio.it). Elauteri deals with Content and Social Media Strategy in the field of digital publishing and new media. This document was discovered by Alessandro Cerboni, bioengineer from Arezzo, vice president of Assocompliance, for years close to the M5s who knows all the skeletons in Casaleggio's closets, a person too intelligent and qualified to stay with the Di Maio gang (in fact they sawed him off at the "parliamentarians"). Read More

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Policy

The Five Stars like Andreotti's DC. The precedent of 1976 which gives the grillini hope
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The abstention of the PCI and socialists was decisive, will go down in history as "the government of no confidence". The protagonists of the time remember that the situation was very similar to the current one. Five stars and the League hope so. Scotti: "If you don't want to go back to voting there aren't many alternatives"

The calendar goes back forty years. Memories go to the First Republic, they recall the Christian Democracy and the figure of Giulio Andreotti. If there is a precedent that many are looking at with interest in these hours, it is precisely the "government of no confidence". The DC monochrome born in the summer of 1976 thanks to the abstention of the communist party and the socialists. An executive that is the result of a long discussion and difficult mediation, despite the absence of a real parliamentary majority. Matteo Salvini was three years old, Luigi Di Maio was not yet born. Nevertheless, with all the necessary differences, the situation closely resembles the current one. That's why at the Quirinale – and certainly also among the leaders of Five Star and the League – there are those who are reviewing that page of history. A precedent to take inspiration from to break the probable stalemate of the next few weeks.
Even then the polls had awarded two winners. Benigno Zaccagnini's Christian Democrats had conquered the 38,7 percent, while Enrico Berlinguer's party had stopped at 34,4 percent. Complex situation, given that neither party had sufficient numbers to govern. A impasse made even more complicated by the choice of the socialists, determined not to enter government without the simultaneous presence of the communists. After a long mediation – managed at the Quirinale by president Giovanni Leone – the solution was identified in a single-party DC government. An attempt made possible by the PCI's abstention, Psi, Psdi, e Pri. “The alternative was to immediately return to the vote” remembers Vincenzo Scotti today, several times minister and undersecretary for the Budget of that executive. «But in republican history it had never happened. And so, in the end, he decided to go that route". At Palazzo Madama the Andreotti III government obtained confidence with 136 Yes, 17 antonyms and 69 abstentions. At Montecitorio with 258 favorable votes, 44 antonyms and 303 abstained.

Without making merciless comparisons, a lot has changed since then. Starting with the leaders. Luigi Di Maio and Matteo Salvini are not Andreotti. «But I'm not even De Gasperi, Togliatti and Nenni» laughs Vincenzo Scotti, who was undersecretary for the budget of that government. «And I say this with the utmost respect for everyone»

The scenario is replicable? Like forty years ago, neither of the two winners today has the numbers to govern alone. The centre-right coalition won at the polls the 37 percent, the Five Stars the 33 percent. Imagining parliamentary alliances with the Democratic Party is unrealistic. Net of the rumors of recent days, it is almost impossible for the Dems to openly support a Grillino or Northern League executive. And so the illustrious precedent becomes relevant again. To govern, the Northern League-led centre-right should hope for the PD's benevolent abstention. The road is more difficult for the grillini, who can count on a smaller parliamentary group. An executive led by Luigi Di Maio could only gain confidence with the simultaneous exit of the center-left and part of the center-right from the Chamber. Complicated, right. But not impossible. «Today the reality is completely different from 1976» says Scotti. «But if you don't want to go back to elections there aren't many alternatives. The center-right and the Five Star Movement can govern together, I find it very difficult. Or they can form a minority government, thanks to the abstention of the opponents, with the aim of implementing a limited and short-term program".
The time limit is obvious. The Andreotti III government did not have a long life, remaining in office for less than two years. And that executive's program was also limited: every relevant provision had to be agreed in advance with the Communist Party. But the coincidences with that experience are not over. In the 1976 the great mediation was preceded by an important institutional transition: the election of the President of the Chamber. The first great proof of understanding between the DC and the PCI took place around Pietro Ingrao, chosen as Sandro Pertini's successor on the most important seat in Montecitorio. Today many people imagine a similar scenario. The election of a member of the Democratic Party in place of Laura Boldrini could represent a first step towards the birth of a minority government. «Ingrao's signal was very important – Scotti insists – This time too we will understand a lot from the election of the presidents of the House and Senate".

The calendar goes back forty years. Memories go to the First Republic, they recall the Christian Democracy and the figure of Giulio Andreotti. If there is a precedent that many are looking at with interest in these hours, it is precisely the "government of no confidence". The DC monochrome born in the summer of 1976 thanks to the abstention of the communist party and the socialists

Then the difficult mediation succeeded. A few days later, it was the end of July, Giulio Andreotti officially baptized the 33rd government in republican history. A very particular executive right from the announcement in the Chamber. «I proposed to the Head of State – said the Prime Minister in Montecitorio – the appointment of the ministers who appear with me today to obtain confidence, or at least non-distrust, of the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies". Today no one is betting on the outcome of the operation. «That was a very interesting experience, which came after years of head-on opposition between the Christian Democrats and the Communist Party" recalls Giuseppe Zamberletti, who was Undersecretary of the Interior of that government. «But at that moment there was a clear political plan, not the confusion of these days". In the 1976 the path to mediation had been identified, albeit with a thousand difficulties. «The PCI was beginning to highlight its mutation – insists the Christian Democrat – I remember that that year there was an earthquake in Friuli. The collaboration with the communists began right there, during the operations that followed the earthquake. But then, above all, There was a very intense internal debate within the parties. I remember the torment, the discussions...". Without making merciless comparisons, a lot has changed since then. Starting with the leaders. Luigi Di Maio and Matteo Salvini are not Andreotti. «But I'm not even De Gasperi, Togliatti and Nenni» laughs Scotti. «And I say this with the utmost respect for everyone».
Meanwhile, the despised First Republic is back in the news. So much for the alleged renovation. «But that was a whole other world – Scotti insists – Then the parties had clear objectives to pursue". Zamberletti agrees. «It's a period that I look back on with nostalgia, very different from today. There is no longer any debate within the political forces, the involvement of the national community and the periphery is lacking. The choices were made after long debates, sometimes harsh. Today decisions are made only by the top".
Source: http://linkiestait.musvc1.net/e/t?q=5%3d7ZAY9%26J%3d3%26F%3d3cB%26G%3d1e5X4%26S%3djLtN_tsSx_53_ryUr_2D_tsSx_48wUy.DiLmAeQv3.iR_tsSx_48iR_tsSx_48aPvAcJg_JQ1R_TfZBS8_PSuP_Zhb3_PSuP_Zhb8_PSuP_ZhA-cGpIuC-uLeJn7-cMo7-l9-f5-dG-cFdPgGtRk-Al-Nt7cCf7nRg-6eJ-3a7d-e0e-Dc-_JQ1R_Tfa9U73a9ch_tsSx_48%26d%3dKwKvA3.FeR%26kK%3d1eBV0

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