The calendar goes back forty years. Memories go to the First Republic, they recall the Christian Democracy and the figure of Giulio Andreotti. If there is a precedent that many are looking at with interest in these hours, it is precisely the "government of no confidence". The DC monochrome born in the summer of 1976 thanks to the abstention of the communist party and the socialists. An executive that is the result of a long discussion and difficult mediation, despite the absence of a real parliamentary majority. Matteo Salvini was three years old, Luigi Di Maio was not yet born. Nevertheless, with all the necessary differences, the situation closely resembles the current one. That's why at the Quirinale – and certainly also among the leaders of Five Star and the League – there are those who are reviewing that page of history. A precedent to take inspiration from to break the probable stalemate of the next few weeks.
Even then the polls had awarded two winners. Benigno Zaccagnini's Christian Democrats had conquered the 38,7 percent, while Enrico Berlinguer's party had stopped at 34,4 percent. Complex situation, given that neither party had sufficient numbers to govern. A impasse made even more complicated by the choice of the socialists, determined not to enter government without the simultaneous presence of the communists. After a long mediation – managed at the Quirinale by president Giovanni Leone – the solution was identified in a single-party DC government. An attempt made possible by the PCI's abstention, Psi, Psdi, e Pri. “The alternative was to immediately return to the vote” remembers Vincenzo Scotti today, several times minister and undersecretary for the Budget of that executive. «But in republican history it had never happened. And so, in the end, he decided to go that route". At Palazzo Madama the Andreotti III government obtained confidence with 136 Yes, 17 antonyms and 69 abstentions. At Montecitorio with 258 favorable votes, 44 antonyms and 303 abstained.

The scenario is replicable? Like forty years ago, neither of the two winners today has the numbers to govern alone. The centre-right coalition won at the polls the 37 percent, the Five Stars the 33 percent. Imagining parliamentary alliances with the Democratic Party is unrealistic. Net of the rumors of recent days, it is almost impossible for the Dems to openly support a Grillino or Northern League executive. And so the illustrious precedent becomes relevant again. To govern, the Northern League-led centre-right should hope for the PD's benevolent abstention. The road is more difficult for the grillini, who can count on a smaller parliamentary group. An executive led by Luigi Di Maio could only gain confidence with the simultaneous exit of the center-left and part of the center-right from the Chamber. Complicated, right. But not impossible. «Today the reality is completely different from 1976» says Scotti. «But if you don't want to go back to elections there aren't many alternatives. The center-right and the Five Star Movement can govern together, I find it very difficult. Or they can form a minority government, thanks to the abstention of the opponents, with the aim of implementing a limited and short-term program".
The time limit is obvious. The Andreotti III government did not have a long life, remaining in office for less than two years. And that executive's program was also limited: every relevant provision had to be agreed in advance with the Communist Party. But the coincidences with that experience are not over. In the 1976 the great mediation was preceded by an important institutional transition: the election of the President of the Chamber. The first great proof of understanding between the DC and the PCI took place around Pietro Ingrao, chosen as Sandro Pertini's successor on the most important seat in Montecitorio. Today many people imagine a similar scenario. The election of a member of the Democratic Party in place of Laura Boldrini could represent a first step towards the birth of a minority government. «Ingrao's signal was very important – Scotti insists – This time too we will understand a lot from the election of the presidents of the House and Senate".

Then the difficult mediation succeeded. A few days later, it was the end of July, Giulio Andreotti officially baptized the 33rd government in republican history. A very particular executive right from the announcement in the Chamber. «I proposed to the Head of State – said the Prime Minister in Montecitorio – the appointment of the ministers who appear with me today to obtain confidence, or at least non-distrust, of the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies". Today no one is betting on the outcome of the operation. «That was a very interesting experience, which came after years of head-on opposition between the Christian Democrats and the Communist Party" recalls Giuseppe Zamberletti, who was Undersecretary of the Interior of that government. «But at that moment there was a clear political plan, not the confusion of these days". In the 1976 the path to mediation had been identified, albeit with a thousand difficulties. «The PCI was beginning to highlight its mutation – insists the Christian Democrat – I remember that that year there was an earthquake in Friuli. The collaboration with the communists began right there, during the operations that followed the earthquake. But then, above all, There was a very intense internal debate within the parties. I remember the torment, the discussions...". Without making merciless comparisons, a lot has changed since then. Starting with the leaders. Luigi Di Maio and Matteo Salvini are not Andreotti. «But I'm not even De Gasperi, Togliatti and Nenni» laughs Scotti. «And I say this with the utmost respect for everyone».
Meanwhile, the despised First Republic is back in the news. So much for the alleged renovation. «But that was a whole other world – Scotti insists – Then the parties had clear objectives to pursue". Zamberletti agrees. «It's a period that I look back on with nostalgia, very different from today. There is no longer any debate within the political forces, the involvement of the national community and the periphery is lacking. The choices were made after long debates, sometimes harsh. Today decisions are made only by the top".
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