A short story of seven infamous years

Of Marcello Veneziani
A short story of seven infamous years
Source: Marcello Veneziani
In the midst of a depressing electoral skirmish, Let's look back to understand how we got to this point. Let's reconstruct the history of the last seven years.
In the beginning it was the end of Berlusconi. Knocked out of action by an internal and international coup, in the name of a magic word called spread, The most absurd seven-year period in our albeit anomalous history began for Italy.
Over the course of these seven years we have witnessed the suicide of the right, to the suicide of the left, to the unfortunate advent of the technicians, to the abnormal growth of anti-politics, to the death and resurrection of Berlusconi.
Right-wing suicide has a main name: Finish. The suicide of the left has a main name: Renzi. And two swarms of accomplices.
The failure of the technicians has the name of Monti (and maybe Fornero's face), the abnormal growth of anti-politics has Grillo's hair and Di Maio's face. And the void that remains, the vacant chair, has the name of Mattarella.
The collapse of politics mirrors the collapse of society; indeed it is the only point that connects the degradation of politics to the decadence of society. In the background there is the tragic overtaking of deaths over births, of the old over the young, plus the flight abroad of the smartest kids, replaced by the arrival of illegal immigrants. Mass society has become molecular, always connected and increasingly solitary, abitata da narcisi astiosi.
It is the era of the selfie as a horizon of life.
But let's get back to politics. We come from a sequence of failures: politics failed, the technicians failed, Anti-politics fails wherever it goes from protest to administration.
The so-called second republic was marked by two eminent phenomena: the advent of personal parties in place of ideological and choral parties; and the advent of a bipolarism of more than perfect alternation, because at every election the outgoing government was rejected and the antagonist took over.
The present seven-year period, which I have difficulty defining as a third republic, produced two further innovations: bipolarism has become tripolar, antechamber of ungovernability; and the personal party has become even more personal and even less of a party.
After the bloody phase of the sacrificial technicians, we are at the salesman phase of politicians.
On the level of ideas the desert dominates but with some particularities. The left once had a salient point: anti-capitalism. After a long journey in which she transformed into the white guard of Capital and the moral chaplain of the market, anti-capitalism has been replaced by anti-fascism.
Anti-fascism, in the absence of fascism, it generated a rigid, manichean, unreal polarization pattern.
 
The dream of revolution on the left has split into two strands: the proletarian or the worker has been replaced by the migrant and the liberation of the oppressed has been replaced by the liberation of the repressed, on the subject of sex, family, death drive, desires released.
The pervasive ideology, transnational, it is politically correct.
And the right, Instead? The right has not developed strategies, thoughts, political and civil cultures. It limited itself to reviving the buzz of the day and the mood of the crowd. He played throw-in and counterpoint, he rode the moment. Sometimes intercepting some effectively and with media success (mal)widespread moods. Sometimes not.
Instead, society has become polarized on sensitive issues, bioethical, regarding reception, the family, the sexes, life and death. There is such a public opinion (which we will call "conservative"), as opposed to a “progressive” area, but there are no adequate media entities, of institutions, of the parties, capable of representing it.
Salvini's League is trying, Meloni and her brothers, multiple smaller formations (Casapound type).
The impact of Catholics in politics has practically not been achieved, reduced to confetti of little weight. Bergoglism has divided Catholics even more, among welcoming (pro-migrants, poor people, charitable) and traditional (pro-families, Christian civilization, religious).
The other definitions are reduced to mere palliatives: moderate, modernizers, liberals or reformers. Passepartout definitions that say nothing in this context, at most they indicate a way and not a content, a generic instance, but they are not able to indicate political content, basic choices, concrete answers, life orientations.
What remains of politics in this 2018 electoral? Only election marketing remains. Not the formation of a ruling class, not ideal or civil motivations, not bioethics, rights and duties. But only the marketing.
Leader is the Best Seller. There are no other criteria. Politics is the competition to see who pleases the voters more and better and who shows the competitor's bluff better.
The alchemy of the electoral system denies any preference and territorial connection. We are at the most kitsch remake: clumsy attempts to remake the left, to remake the right, to redo the verse, to remake Berlusconism (seven years seen as a vicious circle, and B. a B.). Or alternatively surrender to the force of nothingness, in regime version (Euro-Italian establishment) or in movement version (grillina protest).
Seeing them behind, in sequence, it seems that seven years ago a black cat crossed our path, which brought seven years of trouble. But the worst is that we still can't see an exit from the black and loser seven-year period from which we come.
Cast your vote, without parachute

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2 Responses

  • Regarding the nihilistic aspects of our West, Veneziani is perfectly right, but we're not there yet to argue with Fornero and the spread.. The bullshit was done primarily by Berlusca's government stuffed with decidedly incompetent ministers. It's easy to find scapegoats in Germany or in Fornero which intervened because, with some errors, there were no alternatives to his decisions.

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