Not the mortal embrace with the Movement 5 position, but the definitive conquest of the center-right. E’ This is the horizon that Matteo Salvini's moves seem to indicate, after transforming the League (Nord) in the first party of the first coalition that emerged from the elections of 4 March. The meeting with i 5 position – the first party – it is a necessity due to the lack of a numerical majority in Parliament. But it is also something more. Both Salvini and Luigi Di Maio intend to manage the birth of what they consider the third republic, no longer only disconnected from twentieth-century ideologies but also disconnected from ties with traditional political families. And to do it both leaders, Salvini and Di Maio, they banded together to weaken their opponents: on one side Silvio Berlusconi, on the other, the Democratic Party. And to rewrite the rules of the game: an electoral law with a majority bonus that can be certified in the next elections, when they will be there, a new bipolarism. Their. A strategy that may not even pass through a political government between the League and the M5S, which would kill off all the novelty in one fell swoop.
Who and how will go to Palazzo Chigi, but, we will only see it in the next few weeks. What is certain is that Salvini has had in mind for a long time a centre-right that some would rename "Lega Italia". The name is not important, as much as strategy. From the end of 2013, the secretary of the Northern League has worked on the construction of his national proposal, no longer limited to Northern Italy. It has adopted unifying slogans: against the sovereignty ceded to the European Union, against new migrations, against Islam. He caused scandal with his speeches based on the desecration of politically correct. And he inaugurated what he always does well: a permanent electoral campaign, which came down to the South, passing through the regions of Central Italy which rewarded him with often double-digit electoral results. Salvini represents the new right. Not just the radical one that has been talked about in recent months. His extreme message reached a moderate electorate left without references, and therefore ready to rely without intellectual hesitations. Salvini therefore also represents a new centre-right, which no longer has its totem in Berlusconi.

Because of this, it would not be the alliance with i 5 Stars to mark the profound turning point, but the transformation of the entire center-right into a compact force around the only leader who has so far managed to occupy Berlusconi's space, effectively rendering that centrist galaxy that aspired to a third pole role irrelevant. Berlusconi has 81 years, Salvini 45: the registry element is not to be underestimated in this situation, despite his cynicism. The fear within Forza Italia is that Salvini's magnetism could take away resources in terms of voters but also of the ruling class, offering the leader of via Bellerio that political staff that he does not yet have in the South. There has already been an electoral transfer from Forza Italia to the League 4 March, the rest will be done by the moves that succeed (or not) in the next few weeks. It is no coincidence that at the first meeting with his new parliamentarians, Salvini hoped to conclude the legislature with an even higher number of deputies and senators. Those looking for a future in the center-right, can be found in the figure who promises to outlast Berlusconi, perhaps even going so far as to question his permanence in the EPP.
We have seen the move of this centre-right ever closer in terms of hierarchies and ambitions to fruition in Liguria, where with the presidency of Giovanni Toti, a Berlusconi supporter, and the decisive support of the Salvinian League, embodied by lieutenant Edoardo Rixi, the government scheme returned to work well before this year's general elections. In reverse this is what also happens in Lombardy now led by the Northern League member Attilio Fontana. And this is what happens in the various municipal administrations conquered by the center-right in the last two years – from Genoa to Sesto San Giovanni – who are the true backbone of this coalition that aspires to become the Lega Italia: if he were to throw himself into the arms of the Movement 5 position, which is worth double electorally, Salvini would lose the territorial anchorage that up to now has guaranteed him even greater political solidity than that of the Grillini (and of which Giancarlo Giorgetti was the attentive guardian, the strong man of via Bellerio, to whom we owe the renewed alliance with Berlusconi). It is no coincidence that Toti is the most explicit supporter, near Arcore, of the single party or of the federation of a centre-right different from the past.

Salvini, In short, he must present himself as Berlusconi's successor, not like his tormentor. Even if the word betrayal, in politics, it's easy to pronounce. The same fear of being cannibalized that materializes (to the center) in the ranks of Forza Italia, of the rest, it can be found (To the right) also in Fratelli d'Italia. Giorgia Meloni seemed to suffer more than others from the protagonism and success of the Northern League secretary. Just a few days ago, a leading figure of FdI in Lombardy, the outgoing regional councilor Viviana Beccalossi, he left the party in disagreement with Meloni, who had criticized in recent months its closeness to Northern League autonomy. And it is not excluded that in the coming months Beccalossi could be one of the pieces of the new Lega Italia, as in Rome are other former ANs such as Gianni Alemanno and Francesco Storace, have long since become Salvinians.
Twitter: @ilbrontolo
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