It should first of all be specified that Almirante was a politician, he was neither a political theorist nor an ideologue, and even before he was a son of the fascist regime or of the RSI, he was a child of the Italian civil war and of Piazzale Loreto, he was the son of a specific historical era in which "partisans" with the British flag had free reign for a certain time to exercise their worst spirit of revenge and hatred on other Italians by imposing the logic of extermination. If you don't understand this, or you don't want to understand this, it is not possible to understand all of Almirant's subsequent political tactics.

Operating politically since the immediate post-war period, he wanted to become the living word of those "Italian martyrs": he transformed the rhetoric of the vanquished into a political miracle, imposing the community political logic everywhere, symbolic and imaginative, of the Tricolore against the two political myths of that era, that is, the Soviet flag and that of Western super-capitalism. And the Tricolor that Almirante re-taught Italians to love was not the tricolor of the Jacobins or the Risorgimento, but it was the tricolor of the boys of the Tenth who mocked and humiliated the very powerful and humiliated the English Empire, it was the tricolor of the boys from El Alamein and Giarabub, it was the tricolor of the vanquished. That tricolor was the blood of the vanquished. His entire foreign or internal policy as MSI Secretary was modulated in the light of this primary need, reconstruct Italian history with the twenty years of fascism, which Almirante always considered “the only epic moment in the history of the Italian people” (Cfr The MSI at the forefront of Italy, in “Century of Italy” 30 September 1969). Based on this vision, the historical communism of the 20th century was not so much an opposition movement to the Western bourgeois and Jacobin enlightenment, to Western totalitarian democracy, as a phenomenon characterized precisely by the practical need for a "bourgeois national revolution" capable of taking the progressive bourgeoisie's conception of man to its extreme consequences. This was said by Augusto Del Noce on several occasions about Almirante in the 1980s: Italian communism was not the opposition to the Jacobin-bourgeois system, the Almirant social movement was instead. And consequently, since the early 1970s, the Almirantian opposition to the centre-left, which was being organized around the Agnelli-Pirelli Confindustria axis, which was aimed precisely at the PCI, it will be rightly total; and anyone interested can go and read the Almirantian speeches of those years which always proudly reiterated that the MSI was a petty-bourgeois and proletarian party with a mainly southern base, it was therefore not the party of demo-communist capitalism (Cfr. Ignatius, The pole excluded, p. 184). The accusation of Atlanticism misses the mark, Furthermore, if it's true, as reported by a source who is certainly not a MSI (Lelio Basso Foundation and Historical Archive of the Senate of the Republic), That the constant of American politics in Italy (including the Nixon era) it was the absolute and decisive preclusion to the opening towards the MSI, considered the main political enemy (D. Conti, The black soul of the Republic. History of the MSI, pp. 13-159). Of course, Anglo-Saxon analysts, MI6 and CIA-liberal understood more, on the real intentions of the MSI Secretary, of those who accuse him of Atlanticism. Years of siege, of hunting aimed at the MSI in every corner and school of Italy, with the attempted dissolution, completely unconstitutional, del Msi, years of general and institutional complicity with the murderers of defenseless boys like Sergio Ramelli and the Mattei brothers, the implementation of the Masonic branch of National Democracy, What else would such events want to tell us?? (Cfr. Branded, The Right at the bar. The MSI in the trenches, Orionlibri 2006). Almirante the "Atlantic" was also the only secretary of an Italian party who in '79, ’80, '81 defends in parliament, precisely against the communists who accuse him of "obscurantism", the right of Iranian youth and the Persian middle class of bazar, to become protagonists, under the enlightened guidance of Imam Khomeini says the Secretary, of a political revolution with potential global reach, coming to propose the idea of ​​revolutionary and political Islam, not fanatical and fundamentalist, as the third force beyond the east and west , beyond Soviet democracy and beyond capitalist democracy, two neo-Jacobin tyrants that history, we see it today, would have condemned (Cfr S. Forte, Life, the ideas, the battles of Almirante , Roma 1987). When the ship Achille Lauro was seized and Bettino Craxi's admirable statesmanlike decision-making (the famous “Sigonella crisis), Almirante imposes on the skeptical majority of the party, more anti-socialist than pro-American, an anti-American and pro-Craxian agenda (Cfr. Ignatius, op. cit., p. 242). The MSI secretary's vision of the world was, so, always the same one as in November 1953, when the insurgent Trieste spoke of the two fronts, of the two civilizations, the two barricades, that the fascist revolutionary right had opposed in the 1900s in world conflict, Anglo-Saxon imperialism and Italian “proletarian” civilization. And from there, from Trieste, he was explaining to the Italians yet another "fascist revolt” against the Anglo-Saxon enemy (G. Admiral, No diaphragm between the boys and death, in “The century of Italy” 14 November 1953). What though, in his tactical design, he considered it a priority to pass on that heritage of values ​​and battles to the new generations, acting with extreme caution, without falling for enemy provocations and without subjective escapes forward; inevitable, in homage to this design, the condemnation without appeal and indistinct of everything that moved to the right of the MSI (where he always saw, sometimes exaggerating, sometimes not, the long hand of the DC and precisely of the Atlantic and British services, as the aforementioned volume by Ignazi explains), as necessary was the low profile that often seemed to characterize him, aware that Italy, gravitating in the Anglo-Saxon orbit from the Risorgimento until 1925, it was from again 1945, as we know, a country with limited sovereignty, this time under Soviet-American rule. Even the second accusation made against Almirante is actually a bit weak, the political philosophy of Almirant's MSI was represented by Gentile's "humanism of work". (Genesis and structure of society) and the institutional model of the party, even before presidentialism, it was exactly that National state of anti-capitalist and anti-bourgeois labor!

According to Giuseppe Parlato, brilliant student of De Felice, Almirante was an excellent tactician; his national right was an authentic "revolutionary right" against the conservative center of A. Michelini and against social-communism, the antagonism to the Jacobin bourgeois system was Almirant's concrete political action, capable of interpreting fascist doctrine in an intelligent and modern way, much better than all the other currents of the radical right or national left (http://www.secoloditalia.it/2014/06/giuseppe-parlato-almirante-uni-le-anime-del-msi-tra-unione-delle-destre-e-alternativa-al-sistema/).

At the Lirico in Milan, il 26 January 1986, so he remembered Mussolini in front of about 9 thousand people from all over Italy:

“Despite being betrayed by his military ally and party leaders, abandoned by Italy, he made a speech for his lovely homeland; he knew that the price of the German ally's betrayal would fall on the Italian people, whether the Allies had won or the Germans had won. However, he knew that his personal sacrifice would be the dawn of resurrection for the Italian people, that people who are now here before me“.